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Tensions rise over agrarian reform in Brazil

The Movimento Sem Terra (MST), Brazil’s landless movement, demanded agrarian reform since its formation nearly twenty years ago. January 1, 2003 marked a significant step towards more equal land distribution as Workers’ Party leader Luis Inacio (“Lula”) da Silva, who committed to the redistribution of unproductive land along with other social reforms during his campaign, was sworn into office. Although 593,000 acres of unproductive land were seized by the government to redistribute to landless peasants since the President’s inauguration, frustrations are mounting due to what some view as a sluggish pace of reform. The MST has stepped up its campaign, provoking violent confrontations with landowners in an attempt to pressure the government by organizing landless peasants to invade property throughout rural Brazil. Unwilling to succumb without a fight, ranchers and farmers have begun organizing militias in defense of their land. On Thursday July 3, Lula met with MST officials, sparking fierce criticism by conservatives who view the President’s actions as evidence of a Socialist agenda. As Justice Minister Marcio Thomas Bastos threatens severe punishment for both landless peasants and ranchers, tensions swell, mounting into what could potentially be a dreadfully bloody conflict.

The struggle for land reform in Brazil is centuries old. Large landholdings in the hands of a few are residue from the system of latifundio that continues to plague much of Latin America. In Brazil 90% of the land is owned by 20% of the population while the poorest 40% of the population own merely 1% of the land. Under Brazil’s previous administration, hardly any agrarian reform was accomplished. Former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso re-distributed land to 500,000 families during his two year term, but current demand for reform remains fierce and urgent. President Lula has shown firm support for change and stated in a recent speech: “We are morally, politically and ethically committed to agrarian reform ... which is a dream that will come true." MST officials have expressed appreciation for Lula’s support, but remain skeptical.

The MST’s most effective tactic in pressuring the government to enact the promised land reform included encouraging landless peasants to invade, settle, and cultivate property. Under Brazilian law non-producing property can be legally seized for agrarian reform purposes, which entices landless peasants to invade property they deem unproductive. A discrepancy in the MST and government data over which land is unproductive is one of the driving factors behind the increased tension. Because the Constitution affords landowners the right to use weapons to protect their land from encroachers, the threat of violent conflict looms.

Landless peasants have so far invaded 120 ranches in 23 states throughout Brazil according to the National Post. On July 1, one hundred landless rural workers blockaded a road between the cities of Recife and Goiana in Pernambuco and raided trucks to feed their families who recently invaded and settled a nearby farm. According to sources, ranchers in over three states have organized militias, the newest group in Pontal Paranapanema, where over 3000 landless families wait in front of property, preparing to invade. At least 60,000 families camp on roads throughout rural Brazil waiting for land.

President Lula met with MST officials on July 3, promising to settle at least 60,000 families by the end of the year. At the meeting the MST demanded the settlement of one million families by the end of 2006. The meeting sparked controversy among those who denounced the president’s willingness to make concessions to an organization that uses illegal methods to promote their agenda. The president of the National Agriculture Confederation criticized Lula for meeting with representatives of a group who have violated the law and treating them as friends by donning their signature cap. According to the weekly newspaper Veja: "If a president of the republic receives a group at the presidential palace whose trademark is the disrespect for the country's laws and on top of that puts on a hat bearing the emblem of that movement, then he is on some level supporting the confrontation that the MST leaders are using as a political tactic.”

The controversy over land reform in Brazil demonstrates the leftist movements sweeping through many parts of Latin America, inspiring some and infuriating others. Many landowners favor agrarian reform but fear that the MST’s ultimate goal is a socialist regime, land distribution being the first step on a path of radical reform. The landowner’s apprehensions may not be so far fetched. “We want socialism in the means of production,” said Miguel Stedile, a 26-year-old militant on the national committee of the MST, whose father helped found the movement more than two decades ago. "We are going to adopt the Cuban and Soviet systems in Brazil.” MST leader Jose Rainha assured MST militants, “Lula is on our side and is going to stir up the shameless bourgeoisie that are in charge of the latifundio.” Parallel struggles throughout Latin America illuminate the magnitude of the conflict surrounding land reform and the desperate need for its resolution.